I’m going to say it: I want SCOTUS to rule for WVa in West Virginia v. B. P. J. and to rule based on the Spending Clause. I may be the only person in the world who wants that. But that’s what I want. It looks like Mr. Williams, who represents WVa, would be fine with winning based on the “Spending Clause.” Mr. Moopan, who represents the Feds? Nope. Nope. Nopey, Nope. You can read a bit about Spending Clase the exchanges during oral arguments in Josh Blackman’s post at Volokh.
We can discuss why I want the ruling based on the Spending Clause in comments, but the way I see it: These “transgender” cases are coming hot and heavy now. But cases that could trim executive power in favor of leaving States latitude? Less common.
So what follows is my view on why I’d like to see a ruling based on the Spending Clause.
Title IX is passed under the Spending Clause. If I understand correctly, when a statute is passed under the Spending Clause, federal funding cannot be withheld from a state based on unclear statutory terms; the statute must clearly specify the conduct or condition that could result in funds being withheld. There is an argument that WVa violated Title IX. But, given all the strum and drang over what ‘sex’ means under Title IX and the fact that Congress almost certainly did not mean “gender identity,” one would argue that it is at least possible they did not mean “gender identity.” If they did mean “gender identity”, they could have said so way back when, and they certainly could get together and modify the bill to say so clearly now. So WVa should not be subject to withdrawal of Federal funds for interpreting it to mean “biological sex.” And so their bill does not violate Title IX.
With regard to statutes passed under the Spending Clause, what a ruling on spending would do (among other things) is:
- Preserve state latitude to do things unless Congress writes a bill that clearly withdraws that latitude, preventing funds-withholding coercion based on unclear statutory terms.
- Reduce administrative overreach to interpret statutes as doing more than they clearly say.
- Stop executive flip-flopping that happens when the preferences of the executive branch change — generally due to election of a new President.
- Force Congress to own its decisions, or admit its non-decisions.
That said, if the ruling is purely on the Spending Clause, this does a few things some people might not like:
- Applies to lots of cases outside the “transgender” issue. This could be seismic.
- Allows states like California to pass the law it likes on the transgender issue. After all, if what Title IX says about “sex” is unclear, Cali can’t have its funding yanked either.
- Trims all executives—including the current sitting one—of the power to use an ‘unclear’ statute to carry out their preferred interpretation.
- Makes legislatures have to pass laws about transgender rights instead of trying to twist laws that were not even thinking about the issue when they were passed.
- Leaves the “equal protection” argument alone, for the time being, and leaves defining what “sex” means until later. But while doing so, it forces Congress to be explicit in future laws.
My prediction: If the ruling is based on the Spending Clause, Congress will not modify Title IX to tighten the language. This is because too many Congress critters would be thrown out of office.
For the time being, I am holding my opinion on how they would rule on the “equal protection” argument in Idaho. But I’m pretty sure my feeling is: Equal Protection does not require a carve-out for transgender students in women’s sports. I can discuss that later.
But I like the Spending Clause issue for now. I also don’t think I’ll get exactly what I want. But you can’t have everything.
Note:
- Transcripts to the oral arguments are here: here.
- Google’s summary of “Spending Clause”:
The Spending Clause, found in Article I, Section 8, Clause 1 of the U.S. Constitution, grants Congress the power to levy taxes, duties, imposts, and excises to pay debts, provide for common defense, and promote the general welfare, serving as the foundation for federal taxing and spending authority. This clause allows Congress to attach conditions to federal funds, influencing state policy (e.g., setting drinking ages) as long as conditions are clear, related to the program, and not coercive, as defined by Supreme Court cases like South Dakota v. Dole.